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Levies and regulation the recipe for waste minimisationNandor Tanczos' Waste Minimisation Bill looks set to receive government support, but not in anything like its present form.Seen as a vehicle for the government's own policies on waste, the Bill will be rewritten to reflect the government's preference for a regulatory back-stop for product stewardship programmes and the introduction of waste levies. This new emphasis will see Tanczos' proposals for all businesses to have waste minimisation plans and for all supermarkets to carry a sign for each of the products subject to stewardship arrangements relegated or, more probably, removed. The compliance costs involved with the former and the absurdity of the average supermarket being required to erect up to 400 linear metres of signs because of the latter, mean that neither innovation is likely to win government support. As to its own preferences, the government's appetite for back-stop regulation is not new. It is in fact its preferred model; a Damoclean option that has served it well elsewhere. Its preference for the greater use of economic signals to modify behaviours has also been signalled in its approval of the Environment Commissioner's desire to see greater use of economic levers to promote environmental responsibility. Whilst the bones of the revised Bill seem to have been decided, there is a lot of water to go under the bridge yet. The definition of what exactly is 'waste' needs clarification as does the size of any levy and at what point it should be applied. For most of us, though, the key question relates simply to how big the eventual levy is going to be. In its current form, the Bill suggests $25 a tonne. Tanczos himself says that this is too high and leans more to the view of the council-dominated 'Industry Group', which advocated a levy starting at $10 and increasing over three years to $30 a tonne. Hints from government members of the Select Committee suggest that neither proposition will be a goer, leaving us with a compromise option of perhaps a $10 / tonne levy with a review after five years. In the end, what will determine the size of the levy, if any, will be the timing of the Bill. The decision by the Select Committee to delay its report back to the House until the end of June 2007 means that the Bill is unlikely to be passed until 2008. Whilst the government might be pleased at the opportunity to cite the Bill as an example of how it is saving the planet, it may be less happy about advancing what many will see as a cash grab by spendthrift councils. This Bill is one we will continue to watch. Back on the foreshoreIt might have exhausted the attention span of the media, but political interest in the foreshore and seabed legislation has not abated. The issue of land ownership and customary rights promises to be one of the defining political issues of 2007. The introduction by Maori Party co-leader Tariana Turia of the Foreshore and Seabed Act (Repeal) Bill provided a catalyst, but, in the way of most members' bills, was likely to go unsupported and largely unremarked. However, with the change in National's leadership and John Key's open overtures to Maori, the repeal bill will prove something more significant - no less than a test of exactly how far National is prepared to go. For National the issue is difficult. Having initially fallen in with the government on the sanctity of the kiwi beach, the adoption of a 'softened' stance is unlikely to sit well with its more conservative support base. But for those in National's liberal wing, the inconsistency of the Foreshore and Seabed Act with principles of property ownership and the New Zealand Bill of Rights are issues that cannot be overlooked. Thus the scene is set for an interesting and potentially government-defining tussle between the 'old' and 'new' thinkers of the Party. To be sure, National's position will be swayed by the prevailing opinion of the electorate, which, for all that it might want National to adopt a more inclusive face, might not want it to do so on this particular issue. That may limit National's options, but not over much. Already there is a sense among at least some MPs that due legal process around the determination of customary rights should be followed. There is a recognition, too, that, in those very rare cases where a property right is found to exist, the 'kiwi beach' can still be protected by the simple expedient of acquisition with compensation. And in those even rarer cases where whenua tapu is involved and acquisition is consequently too problematic, the call for simple public respect and tolerance is not an unreasonable one. Human rights challenge only a matter of timeThe fact that there is a serious issue with the Foreshore and Seabed Legislation was firmly underscored by the Attorney-General's report in 2004, which found that the FSA was, on its face, discriminatory in its effect on Maori. Despite going on to conclude that the limitation on Maori rights was a "justifiable limitation" under s5 of the Bill of Rights Act, the Attorney-General nonetheless acknowledged that a "human rights body may regard [the lack of compensation in] the Foreshore and Seabed Bill as imposing an unjustifiable limitation on a protected right". That soon proved to be the case. A challenge was launched by southern iwi, Ngai Tahu, with no less a body than the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. The Committee, which found that the FSA discriminated against Maori and breached the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. Similarly, the UN Human Rights Commission's Special Rapporteur saw fit to visit New Zealand in late 2005 (no doubt as a result of the Committee's finding) and, in his subsequent report, recommended (among other things) that the FSA be repealed. The government's offended response was by the numbers. The Commission and the UN's Special Rapporteur were out of touch and uninformed, and both lacked credibility even within the UN. Informed or not the Commission's finding was a blow for the government and it is surprising that in the aftermath no attempt that we are aware of has yet been made to bring a domestic challenge to the legislation under the Human Rights Act 1993. Certainly the avenue is there. The HRA gives the Review Tribunal the power to grant a declaration that legislation is inconsistent with the right to freedom from discrimination recognised in section 19 of the Bill of Rights Act. Such a challenge would presumably be made on the basis that, under the FSA, owners of "specified freehold interests" in the foreshore and seabed do not lose any beneficial interest in their property. In contrast, Maori are deprived of any customary rights they may have been able to prove at common law. The argument would go that for one group to be deprived of an existing source of property rights and for another not to be similarly deprived, would be a breach of section 19. The extent of the discrimination is underscored by the fact that the FSA also removes the ability of Maori to obtain any legal remedy for the expropriation of private property rights, only giving a right to negotiate for redress with the Crown. This stands in marked contrast to the fact that owners of "specified freehold interests" continue to have access to compensation under the Public Works Act. Should a 92J(2) declaration be made, the Minister responsible for the legislation must, within 120 days of any appeal right lapsing: (i) table a report in Parliament drawing attention to the Review Tribunal finding; and (ii) table a further report outlining what the Government intends to do about it. Such a challenge may ultimately prove to be a more effective legal remedy for Maori than previous attempts to challenge the FSA at the UN, which the Government dismissed as meaningless and lacking in credibility. If successful, a declaration (and the local condemnation that would follow) would prove significantly harder to ignore. In our view, it is merely a matter of time before such a challenge is brought and the foreshore and seabed legislation goes under the human rights microscope.
IN PARLIAMENT
| Bills IntroducedAgricultural Compounds and Veterinary Medicines Amendment
Bill Copyright (New Technologies and Performers' Rights)
Amendment Bill Criminal Justice Reform Bill Education (Establishment of Universities of Technology)
Amendment Bill Protection of Personal and Property Rights Amendment
Bill Social Security (Entitlement Cards) Amendment Bill Social Security Amendment Bill Bills Defeated/WithdrawnEmployment Relations (Probationary Employment) Amendment
Bill Before Select CommitteeOpen for submissions
Submissions Closed
Bills Reported BackCrimes (Abolition of Force as a Justification for Child Discipline)
Amendment Bill Supplementary Order PapersEnergy Safety Review Bill 076 - Substantive amendment. Member in charge Harry Duynhoven. This SOP amends the Energy Safety Review Bill to align that Bill with a number of changes that have been recommended by the Commerce Committee in relation to the Plumbers, Gasfitters and Drainlayers Bill (see below). Energy Safety Review Bill 077 - Motion to divide the Bill. Member in charge Harry Duynhoven. This SOP divides the Energy Safety Review Bill into the following four Bills; Electricity Amendment Bill, Gas Amendment Bill, Health and Safety in Employment Amendment Bill, and Ministry of Energy (Abolition) Amendment Bill. Plumbers, Gasfitters, and Drainlayers Bill 078 - Substantive amendment. Member in charge Harry Duynhoven. This SOP amends clause 83A, 85, 92A, 95, 95A, 207, 207A, and 214. The amendments range from expressly broadening the scope of a clause (83A) to dealing with exemptions from registration and licensing requirements (clause 95A) as well as minor drafting changes. Evidence Bill 079 - Substantive amendment. Member
in charge Hon Mark Burton. Bills PassedCrimes (Intimate Covert Filming) Amendment Bill AssentedCompanies Amendment Act (No 2) 2006 RegulationsThe New Zealand Special Service Medal (Erebus) Regulations 2006
Committee HearingsThere were no meetings held this week as the House was in a one week recess. Last week's hearings focused mainly on financial reviews.
LEGISLATION IN THE
WINGS
| Tertiary sectorTertiary Education Minister Michael Cullen has announced that legislation governing tertiary sector organisations is to be amended to reduce compliance costs within the sector and streamline planning and reporting requirements. Changes to Residential Tenancies and Unit Titles Legislation Building Issues Minister Clayton Cosgrove has announced changes
to the Residential Tenancies Act 1986 to ensure fairer treatment
for tenants, Changes are also proposed to the Unit Titles Act 1972
to establish a broader and more adaptable framework for multi-unit
living.
These latest proposals are in addition to other proposed changes
to the Residential Tenancies announced in September this year.
Mr Cosgrove said he expects to introduce two separate Bills that reform both Acts into Parliament next year.
IN CONSULTATION
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New Zealand Institute Report - 'Competing to Win'Competing to Win is the second of four detailed reports from the New Zealand Institute on improving New Zealand's economic weal. The report stresses the need for increased and sustained economic engagement with the world from exporting and outward foreign direct investment (FDI). Aggression and competitiveness are the Institute's core recipe. Suggesting a strategy for achieving these characteristics, the report states that NZ's current situation is the result of history and our primary produce export focus. This has allowed NZ to export to many countries because we have not had to tailor sophisticated manufactured products to certain markets. The Institute observes that this will not, however, allow NZ to expand its economic activity. Its suggested focus is on our resources rather than pinning hopes on free trade negotiations. The "external strategy" advocated by the Institute consists of three element: 1) an Asia-pacific focus; 2) the adoption of measurable outcomes for external economic engagement; and 3) in-market investment. These are not radical ideas in and of themselves. Nonetheless the report argues that given our limited resources, NZ must concentrate its efforts and identify relationships that matter while being more competitive and knowing what success will look like. KiwiSaver regulations approvedRegulations to establish KiwiSaver, the new workplace-based retirement
savings scheme came into force on December 1.
Further information, including a Cabinet paper, is available at: www.med.govt.nz/kiwisaver Schemes Of ArrangementThe Takeovers Panel has been exercised over recent months by the use of amalgamations or schemes of arrangement as a means of avoiding the Takeovers Code, even though the result would be the same as an offer made under the Code. The expedient allows companies to effect takeovers without the level of shareholder support that would otherwise be required. The Panel released discussion documents in April and June seeking urgent public comment on the issue, with the Government hoping to fast-track changes to close the apparent loophole. The Business Law Reform Bill was seen as a handy vehicle, with the Panel proposing changes in a submission to the Commerce Select Committee when it was considering the Bill. However, because the proposed changes were outside the scope of the Bill as it stood, they required the consent of all parties to proceed. National refused to back the changes on the basis they circumvented proper process that would allow the business community to comment on them. Accordingly, the status quo will stand for now, but further moves can be expected in the near future. MED is currently looking at new ways to address the Panel's concerns, with Financial Sector acting manager Justine Gilliland commenting that "there is a reasonable sense of urgency on this". Civil rights take second place … againThe US Department of Homeland Security wants background checks undertaken for all visitors entering the US. An extra-territorial violation of privacy that would not be countenanced by Americans domestically or when travelling abroad, the move is one of many encroachments on the personal freedoms and privacy of non-US citizens intended to enhance domestic security. The simple and consistent justification offered for these impositions is the 3,000 deaths caused by the terrorist attack on New York's Twin Towers. If numbers are a driver of policy, these casualties contrast sharply with other US statistics, which last year included:
In 2005 the budget for the Department of Homeland Security was US$40.2 billion. |
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