A matter of opinion...
The Electoral Finance Bill - A Counter To "Undue Influence" or an Attack on Democracy?
In the aftermath of the 2005 general election, more than one Labour MP attributed the reversal in their electoral fortunes to the advent of 'big money' campaigning by hostile interests. The accompanying sense of grievance was palpable and only given an edge by revelations of the ill-judged political machinations of the Brethren.
Whilst thoughts of utu may have been nursed in the darker watches by some, the more general and quite genuine feeling on the part of most MPs was that the democratic process was being undermined by the "undue influence of wealth".
No surprise then that one of the express objectives of the recently tabled Electoral Finance Bill is to counter that influence. Even less of a surprise is the fact that 'third party' campaigning is the area most vigorously addressed, the most salient innovation being the imposition of a $60,000 spending limit on third party political campaigning with a year of a general election.
The effort in the Bill to bring greater transparency to the funding of political parties is feeble by contrast. Also notable is the Bill's failure to address the use of policy promotion as a relatively unregulated proxy for political advertising by the government of the day.
Taken as a whole, the effect of the Bill is to force private political donations into the established political parties and the somewhat more flexible regulatory regime that, governs them. From one perspective that's an entirely reasonable proposition and the suggestion of less benign motivations on the part of Labour is unjustified.
However, regardless of the underlying motives there is no getting away from the fact that the legislation seeks to place active constraints on any person or persons not working from within a political party. The working assumption is that politics is exclusively owned and mediated by political parties. Under this formulation, lobby groups - industry, trade union, religious or otherwise - and individuals are all disempowered in favour of whatever lowest common denominator position can be negotiated with the anonymous men and women in cardies who control the development of policy within the established political structure.
The violence that this does to the Bill of Rights and freedom of expression is inescapable. It is not, as Crown Law Office advice to the Attorney-General suggests (www.justice.govt.nz/bill-of-rights/bill-list-2007/e-bill/electoral-finance-bill.html), a finely balanced issue at all and that perspective will doubtless receive prominence as the Bill makes its way through the House.
This is something that Labour will not welcome given the now very limited window it has for rebuilding its credibility with the electorate.
Political Management Not Alignment
The resignation of Environment and Social Development Minister, David Benson-Pope, has done more than focus public attention on political economy with the truth. It has also cast a spotlight - as well as doubts - on the integrity and neutrality of the public service.
The handling of the Setchell affair by Environment Chief Executive Dr Hugh Logan is now the subject of an inquiry by the State Services Commission. What the outcome of that will be cannot and should not be pre-judged. It is sufficient, however, to note the disquiet felt by many senior civil servants at the perception the affair has created of a politically compliant - if not politically aligned - public service.
A politically neutral public service is a cornerstone of the Westminster system of government to which we are heir. Officials are to provide 'free and frank advice' that helps inform government policy development. That policy having been decided, it is then the role of those officials to implement faithfully government wishes, whether they like them or not.
The working presumption behind all this is that officials will conduct themselves in a way that ensures they enjoy the confidence of any government - including the government-in-waiting twiddling its thumbs on the opposition benches.
Over recent years and successive administrations both this presumption and the confidence it is intended to engender have come under strain. The suggestion that policy advice is being tailored to a Ministers' political preferences and the disdain sometimes shown for those whose unfettered advice is not to a Minister's liking, have done little to bolster state sector professionalism. The Deputy Prime Minister's characterisation of unpalatable policy advice from officials as a form of "Nuremburg defence" is also telling, not least for its suggestion that public servants should join Ministers in shouldering responsibility for what in the end are political decisions.
However, the failure by some Ministers to distinguish between political and administrative responsibility is not the only source of the emerging malaise within the sector. For a start, the interface between Ministers and their state service chief executives is inherently charged. Political imperatives and the demands of responsible public administration are not the easiest of bed-fellows and they can and do come into conflict. Many a seasoned Chief Executive has found him/herself nervously trying to judge when and how best to utter those fateful words, "No, Minister".
But while the political-professional dynamic is a perennial problem and Ministerial attitudes are ever a consideration, public servants are not blameless in the perceived weakening of the standards of a professional civil service. The belief that effective political management is achieved by telling Ministers what they want to hear (or what officials think they want to hear) may not be universal, but it is prevalent. So too is the view that the best way of building Ministerial confidence is by being political.
In a world where senior civil servants are chosen politically and that choice is transparent 'being political' is not a problem. That is the situation in the United States and there the mass divestiture of office that accompanies any change of regime is as routine as it is unremarked. However, the United States also has a critical mass of capability upon which it can draw, as well as a multitude of think-tanks within which future political appointees can bide their time. These are luxuries New Zealand does not enjoy. A politically based system of appointments is resource intensive and the bottom line is that we simply do not have the internal capacity to support it, even if we were comfortable with the idea of three or four layers of political appointees between a Minister and the professional public servant upon whom all eventually turns.
As matters currently stand, the Setchell affair will not be seen as doing anyone a favour. However, in retrospect it may be that it has delivered a necessary and, in the end, desirable wake-up call for a sector that the public may consider to have lost its way.
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