There all the Honours Lie
On Sunday the Prime Minister announced that New Zealand would reintroduce knighthoods and damehoods. Henceforth the top two tiers of the New Zealand Order of Merit will be Knights and Dames Grand Companion ("GNZM") and Knights and Dames Companion ("KNZM" and "DNZM") and styled "Sir" or "Dame". The GNZM and KNZM/DNZM replace the New Zealand Order of Merit's Principal Companion ("PCNZM") and Distinguished Companion ("DCNZM"), respectively.
The first new knights and dames will be announced in this year's Queen's Birthday Honours List. Those invested as PCNZMs and DCNZMs between 2000 and 2009 can elect to retain their non-titular honours or instead accept a knighthood or damehood.
New Zealand's honours system is complicated. For a nation of four million people we have three royal honours: the exclusive 20-member Order of New Zealand ("ONZ"), the five-tier New Zealand Order of Merit and the Queen's Service Order ("QSO") with its attendant medal ("QSM"). Canada and Australia, meanwhile, both get by with single three-tier royal honours (you can be a Companion, Office or Member of the Order of Australia or Order of Canada - that's it).
A defining feature of New Zealand's honours system is the ad hoc nature of its development. The QSO and QSM were introduced in 1977 to mark the Queen's Silver Jubilee and the ONZ in 1987 to recognise our brightest stars. In 1996 the Bolger Government replaced all imperial honours with the New Zealand Order of Merit. The Prime Minister's advisory committee recommended the abolition of titles for the top two tiers. The Cabinet rejected the recommendation and kept titles. The Labour Government abolished knighthoods in May 2000.
There is precedent for such chopping and changing. Australia's Whitlam Government abolished imperial honours (including knighthoods) and established the three-tier Order of Australia in 1975. The next year the Fraser Government re-instituted knighthoods for the top tier. The Hawke Government then abolished knighthoods in 1986.
The pre-nominal titles and post-nominal letters are confusing. The ceremony and background to honours is ancient and arcane. But one thing is clear: affixing Sir or Dame to someone's name is a good way to recognise their achievements and community contribution. What's also clear is that the ongoing integrity of our honours system requires that it remains settled so that it is not tarnished by appearing to be a political football.
The Prime Minister also announced that he would continue the practice adopted by the last Labour Government of not recommending appointments to the Privy Council, meaning there will not be any more "Right Honourables". In 1999 Simon Upton and Wyatt Creech were the last MPs appointed Privy Councillors (Rt Hon Helen Clark was appointed to the Council in 1990 when Deputy Prime Minister). Ministers of the Crown will still be styled "the Honourable". It's not quite back to the future.
Foreshore and Seabed Review
Attorney-General, Chris Finlayson, recently announced a review of the Foreshore and Seabed Act 2004. The confidence and supply agreement between the National and Māori parties provides for the review.
The ministerial panel comprises Hon Justice Eddie Durie DCNZM (chairperson), Assoc Prof Richard Boast and Hana O'Regan.
The catalyst for the legislation was a Court of Appeal decision in 2003 in which the Court held that the litigants could test whether they enjoyed title to the foreshore and seabed. The terms of reference requires the ministerial panel go back to first principles and assesses the validity of the legislation.
The terms or reference ask the ministerial panel to provide independent advice on:
- What were the nature and extent of the mana whenua and public interests in the coastal marine area prior to Attorney-General v Ngati Apa [2003] 3 NZLR 643.
- What options were available to the Government to respond to the Court of Appeal decision in Attorney-General v Ngati Apa [2003] 3 NZLR 643.
- Whether the Foreshore and Seabed Act 2004 effectively recognises and provides for customary or aboriginal title and public interests (including Māori, local government and business) in the coastal marine area and maintains and allows for the enhancement of mana whenua.
- If the Panel has reservations that the Foreshore and Seabed Act does not provide for the above, outline options on what could be the most workable and efficient methods by which both customary and public interests in the coastal marine area could be recognised and provided for; and in particular, how processes of recognising and providing for such interests could be streamlined.
The ministerial panel will also:
- Consider the approaches in other Commonwealth jurisdictions to recognise and provide for customary and public interests in the coastal marine area.
- Consider the submissions by the public and other publicly available reports made to the Fisheries and other sea-related Legislation Committee in 2004 on the Foreshore and Seabed Bill and the Waitangi Tribunal’s 2004 Report on the Crown’s Foreshore and Seabed Policy.
- Undertake consultation with Māori and the general public through a series of public meetings and hui.
The ministerial panel must submit its report to the Attorney-General by 30 June 2009.
It will be one to watch. The approach to customary rights will be critical in dealing with water allocation and will go far in determining how rocky freshwater management will be.
Commerce Commission releases draft carbon guidelines
The Commerce Commission continues in its fight against "green wash": misleading and deceptive claims about the environmental merits of products or services. Following on from last year's release of Green Marketing Guidelines, the Commission last week released draft guidelines for claims about carbon. The draft carbon guidelines are intended to help businesses comply with the Fair Trading Act 1986.
The draft carbon guidelines make clear that false or misleading representations about the carbon emissions (or sequestration) from a product or service can result in prosecution by the Commission. The Commission identifies the most relevant (and potentially misleading) carbon claims as:
- Sponsorship. Insinuating that a business enjoys the backing of another party when it does not, including the unauthorised use of logos or trademarks.
- Approval. Claiming a business enjoys approval from governmental agencies or other licensing authority when it does not.
- Performance characteristics. Claiming that a product or service has capabilities or effects which it does not.
- Benefits. Overstating carbon-related environmental benefits or claiming benefits that cannot be substantiated.
The draft guidelines also consider specific pitfalls in carbon-related advertising. The pitfalls include false carbon offset claims, low carbon claims and carbon neutrality claims. The Commission cites, as an example, a manufacturer of motorcycles which offset the emissions for the production of each bike. When advertising the motorcycles the manufacturer could claim that the emissions from the making of the motorcycle had been offset. Conversely, a claim that the motorcycles were "carbon neutral" would likely mislead the public.
The draft carbon guidelines are further evidence of the seriousness with which the Commission now treats environmental advertising claims, something shared by Australia's Competition and Consumer Commission.
Consultation on the draft carbon guidelines ends on 3 April 2009. The draft guidelines are available here.
Regulation Reviews
Rodney Hide has taken to his newly-created position of Minister of Regulatory Reform with vigour. In the past week he released the first in a series of what he described variously as regulations "past their use-by date", "plain silly" and which were affecting jobs. Hide identified the following initial targets last week:
- Holidays Act provisions which allowed garden but not hardware stores to open on Easter Sunday.
- Building Act requirements regarding some aspects of swimming pool fencing.
- Drinking water requirements.
- Overseas professional registration rules.
The initial list may grow and Hide's targeting could translate into legislation amendment in time. If legislation and regulation repeal does not eventuate then the Regulatory Reform portfolio may simply be an extension of Hide's headline grabbing while in opposition.
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